GLOBILISATION AND PLIGHT OF TRIBALS
J. FELIX RAJ SJ
Meaning of Globalization:
Globalisation means different
things to different people. In business world, it refers mainly to specific
strategies in companies designed to overcome the constraints of national
boundaries through the mechanism of globalised production and marketing
networks. In the field of economics it is considered synonymous to economic
inter-dependence between countries covering increased trade, technology, labour
and international capital flows. In the political debate, globalisation refers
to the integrative forces drawing national societies into a global community
covering the spread of ideas, norms and values. Last but not the least, in the
social field, the tidal wave of global culture is sweeping the indigenous
cultures all over the world.[i][1]
Globalisation is defined as free
movements of goods, services, capital (FDI), people and information technology
across national boundaries. It creates and, in turn, is driven by an integrated
global economy, which influences both, economic as well as social relations
within and across countries. The opening up of an economy increases competition
internally as well as externally, leads to structural changes in the economy,
alters consumer preferences, lifestyles and demands of citizens. The process of
global economic integration gained momentum only in the 1970s with the
development of capital markets.[ii][2]
While mainstream economists suggest that globalisation process is a strong force
for equalizing per capita income between nations, others say that the developing
countries are exposed to threats of further aggravation and marginalisation in
the process.[iii][3]
Fears of Globalization:
Globalization has raised fears
all over the world that the market could rend the social fabric of societies.
Antiglobalizationists proclaim, "The world is not for sale."
Globalization, these days, is not being warmly welcomed particularly in the
developing countries. Quotations from centuries past would show that fears about
globalization have long been prevalent. Back in the time of the Roman Empire,
Pliny the Elder was already complaining about "India, China and Arabia
robbing our Empire one hundred million sesterces every year." [iv][4]
As Robert J. Samuelson[v][5]
puts it "…Globalisation is a double-edged sword. It’s a controversial
process that assaults national sovereignty, erodes local culture and tradition
and threatens economic and social stability." It brings instability and
unwelcome change…exposes workers to competition from imports…undermines
governments…"[vi][6].
As Henry Kissinger, former US Secretary of State has said, "globalisation
inevitably challenges prevailing social and cultural patterns…A sense of
political unease is inevitable-especially in the developing world-a feeling of
being at the mercy of forces neither the individual nor the government can
influence any longer."[vii][7]
The driving forces in the
process of globalisation are incentives and integration. The most visible
outcomes in the process are the development of transnational corporations and
international banks having principal control over growing world trade in goods
and services rather than governments (the world's 37,000 parent transnational
corporations and their 200,000 affiliates control 75% of the world trade).
Views about globalisation differ
widely, influenced by the particular vantagepoint of an individual or a country.
In South Asia, for example, during the period of globalisation the absolute
number of people in poverty has increased, despite the fact that India, the
largest country in the region has been experiencing a growth rate of over 6.5
per cent during this period of increased integration with the global economy.
Although the other indices of human development in South Asia have improved
during the last three decades, they are still among the worst in the world.[viii][8]
According to Paul Streeten,[ix][9]
globalisation has its gainers and losers (see box below)
BOX 1
Gainers and Losers of Globalisation
|
Gainers |
Losers |
|
Rich countries: Japan, Europe, USA Output Rich people Profits People with high skills Educated Professional, managerial and technical people Capital Creditors Those independent of public services Large firms The strong Risk takers Global markets Sellers of technically sophisticated products Global culture Global elite Firms with market access and branding |
Many developing countries Employment Poor people Wages People with low skills Uneducated Workers
Labour Debtors Those dependent of public services Small firms The weak Human security Local communities Sellers of primary and standard manufactured
products Local cultures Global poor Firms without market access and no branding |
|
Source:
Streeten 1998 |
|
Globalization in India:
India,
characterised by pervasive poverty (300 million below the poverty line) has been
implementing several poverty alleviation programmes over the passed decades.
These programmes have been in the form of "Garibi Hatao" (eradicate
poverty), self-employment creation (SEC), Food for Work (FFW), asset building
programmes and wage employment creation (WEC) programmes. These programmes were
mainly targeted towards the poor or very poor families on the basis of income
threshold. However, a feature of most programmes is that they are financed by
the state and, as such, periodic funding inadequacies often lead to either
abandonment or reduced effectiveness of the schemes. However, with the onset of
globalisation the resource allocations to these programmes in real terms are
badly hit.[x][10]
There is now substantial
evidence that India's success at reducing the incidence of poverty during the
1970s and 1980s was halted, if not reversed, during the globalisation era of
1990s. Estimates made at the World Bank show that the incidence of poverty,
which between 1972-73 and 1989-90 fell from 55.5 per cent to 34.3 per cent in
rural India and from 54.3 to 34.1 per cent nationally, has in subsequent
National Sample Survey (NSS) rounds, up to 1997 (when the incidence was 34.2 per
cent national and 35.8 per cent rural) never gone below the 1989-90 level and
has in fact risen to much higher levels in individual years. Other estimates
(e.g., Gupta 1999) suggest an even greater increase in rural poverty during
1990s. All the estimates indicate that the gap between rural and urban areas,
which had decreased during the 1980s and the 1970s, increased considerably
during the 1990s.[xi][11]
In addition to the decline in
the purchasing power of the incomes of the rural poor, the rate of growth of per
capita rural income in real terms has sharply decelerated. This fall in rural
income is, however, not just because the share of agricultural income in
national income has fallen. The share in non-agricultural incomes in total rural
incomes, which rose sharply between 1977-78 and 1990-91, has stagnated since
then. The reason behind all this is the inefficiency and corrupts practices
inherent in the governance system of the Indian Government, which does not
enhance productivity, competitiveness and development.
Given that India accounts for
about a third of the world's absolute poor, the nature of her integration with
the international economy has critical implications for liberalisation and
globalisation reducing world poverty. India can be described as a relatively
large, closed or protected economy, in the throes of industrialisation, with
trade and foreign investment plating a limited role, low per capita income, and
a significant agrarian sector, marked by sharp inequality.
The issue of poverty and
inequality is far more important for India both because of the alarming and
overwhelming proportion of the population living below the poverty line (however
measured) and also because inequality halting growth usually leads to the
self-perpetuation of a low-level equilibrium. In regard to the distributive
effect in particular, economists are worried over a noticeable empirical
phenomenon that suggests a considerable decline in the income of unskilled
labour and/or a decline in their employment relative to the more skilled segment
of the work force.[xii][12]
Globalisation takes society from
a national to an international perspective, which is typified as being consumer
driven. 21st century consumers have informed value politics and a
global culture. Their choices reflect the lifestyle consumerism and
materialistic trend in society, where self-esteem is centred on one's
consumption. "You are what you wear and eat". Globalisation is not
really global. As Streeten points out, it increases the gap between different
strata of people and countries. Globalisation is good for rich countries like
USA, Japan and Europe. It is bad for developing countries like India.
Globalisation is good for rich people with assets and skills. But it is bad for
the poor people like Tribals and Dalits.
The rise of globalism is
intimately linked to the growth of class conflict and the squeeze of profits
during the limited globalisation period associated with the 'welfare state'. The
crisis of declining profits associated with rising popular power is the source
of the demise of 'national development',[xiii][13]
which will largely affect the rural sector, the poor and the marginalised.
The tribal population of India
(67.6 million) around 7 percent of the total population is larger than that of
any other country in the world. The rural and urban male population is
3,17,55,930 and 26,07,341 respectively. The rural female population is
3,09,95,096 while the urban female population is 24,00,013. The tribal
population of India is more than the total population of France and Britain and
four times that of Australia. If all the tribals of India had lived in one
state, it would have been the fifth most populous state after Uttar Pradesh,
Bihar, West Bengal and Maharashtra. Madhya Pradesh is not only the largest state
in India but also has the largest tribal population of the country.
The word 'tribe' is generally
used for a "socially cohesive unit, associated with a territory, the
members of which regard them as politically autonomous" (Mitchell, 1979:
232). Often a tribe possesses a distinct dialect and distinct cultural traits.
The term 'primitive tribes' was often used by western anthropologist to denote
"a primary aggregate of peoples living in a primitive or barbarous
condition under a headman or chief" (Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, Vol.
15). Various anthropologists define tribe as a people at earlier stage of
evolution of society.[xiv][14]
The forest occupies a central
position in tribal culture and economy. The tribal way of life is very much
dictated by the forest right from birth to death. It is ironical that the
poorest people of India are living in the areas of richest natural resources.
Historically, tribals have been pushed to corners owing to economic interests of
various dominant groups. In contemporary India, the need for land for
development is still forcing them, albeit this time to integrate with
mainstream.
In spite of the protection given
to the tribal population by the Constitution of India (1950), tribals still
remain the most backward ethnic group in India. They rate very low on the three
most important indicators of development: health, education and income. The
tribals are most backward not only compared with the general population, but
also compared to the Scheduled Caste (Dalits), the other backward social group
with constitutional protection. While examining the effects of planned
developmental intervention on the tribals from 1961 to 1981, it was observed
that twenty years of intervention has not made any significant impact in
improving the conditions of the tribals.
The basic features of our
Constitution indicate direction of change or modernisation, if one wants to say
so, of our society. Ours is supposed to be a casteless, secular, democratic and
socialist polity and society. We have shaped our policies and programmes to
realise this type of change.[xv][15]
Our Constitution considers every citizen as equal. Legal and administrative
framework, institutional network and policies of development in general are also
considered suitable for tribals. The tribals are a part of the Indian society
and general problems of consciously changing or modernising Indian society are
also applicable to them. But the tribals form a special case in this wider
framework and the problem is the nature and type of this special category.
Tribal development policies and
programmes in India assumed that all the tribals will develop and will integrate
themselves with the so-called mainstream. This has happened only in a symbolic
way. As a result of the planned tribal development, stratification on secular
lines has taken place among tribals and only a small section has been able to
take advantage of the development programmes. The reason being that the
development programmes were not implemented due to inefficient and corrupt
bureaucracy.[xvi][16]
Displacement of Tribals:
It is estimated that owing to
construction of over 1500 major irrigation development projects since
independence, over 16 million people were displaced from their villages, of
which about 40 per cent belong to tribal population. The government and the
planners are aware of (a) the eroding resource base and socio-cultural heritage
of tribal population through a combination of development interventions,
commercial interest, and lack of effective legal protection to tribal and (b)
the disruption of life and environment of tribal population owing to
unimaginative, insensitive package of relief (Planning Commission, 1990). Still
the development process continued unmindful of displacement. [xvii][17]
A common feature shared by most
of the tribal people is their remoteness and marginal quality of territorial
resources. In the past, exploitation of such poor regions was found both
difficult and uneconomic. But, the recent rapid technological advancement and
unrivalled economic and political strength of world capitalism, and the rising
power of neo-colonialism through the G-8 directly and the IMF, WB, IBRD, etc.,
as agencies, have created favourable conditions for the evasion and extraction
of natural resources from the ecologically fragile territories of tribal people.
Thus, forced evictions of tribals to make way for mammoth capital-intensive
development projects have become a distressing routine and ever-increasing
phenomenon.[xviii][18]
There is a heavy concentration
of industrial and mining activities in the central belt. All the massive steel
plants, BALCO, NALCO, heavy engineering concerns etc. are based here. Most river
basin development schemes and hydropower projects, a chain of forest-based and
ancillary industries and an increasing number of highly polluting industries are
located in this region. Despite intense industrial activity in the central
Indian tribal belt, the tribal employment in modern entreprises is negligible.
Apart from the provisions of Apprenticeship Act, there is no stipulation for
private or joint sector entreprises to recruit certain percentage of
dispossessed tribal workforce. The tribals are forced to live in juxtaposition
with alien capitalist relations and cultures, with traumatic results.
They are forced onto the ever-expanding low paid, insecure, transient and
destitute labour market. About 40 per cent of the tribals of central India
supplement their income by participating in this distorted and over exploitative
capitalist sector. Many more are slowly crushed into oblivion in their homeland
or in urban slums. This is nothing short of ethnocide. Their economic and
cultural survival is at stake.[xix][19]
India happens to be the second
most dammed country in the world. It has invested over Rs. 300 billion on dams
and hydropower projects by 2000. The World Bank has directly funded as many as
87 large-scale dam projects in India as against only 58 for the whole of the
African continent and 59 for Latin America. Between 1981 and 1990, the World
Bank provided $7 billion for such projects in India, i.e., one-fifth of its
total funding for 85 countries world over. Almost all major dam projects in
India are intrinsically linked to world capitalism and its obsequious national
stooges. Nearly 60 per cent of
these large dams are located in central and western India where about 80 per
cent of the tribals live.[xx][20]
There is no reliable and
complete information on the number of tribals displaced in the country since
independence. The estimates range between 5 and 7 million - mostly by the dams,
followed by mines and industries - or approximately one in every ten tribals has
been displaced by different developments projects. It is not only the magnitude
of involuntary tribal displacement that should attract the special concern but
also the sacrifice of collective identity, historical and cultural heritage, and
of course the survival support. Poverty, malnutrition, mortality, morbidity,
illiteracy, unemployment, debt bondage, and serfdom among the tribals is
markedly higher.[xxi][21]
Privatization of PSUs:
One of the ways of globalisation
in India is disinvestment or privatisation. Many Public Sector Entreprises are
being sold off to private sectors with the objective of raising revenues to meet
the fiscal deficits and to improve efficiency. Profit making entreprises like
BALCO, which are in the tribal belt, have been privatised. NALCO is to soon
travel the disinvestment route. PSEs in the tribal belt were beneficial to
tribal people giving them employment and livelihood. Privatisation of these
entreprises will adversely affect the tribal people and disturb the regional
balance in terms of industrialisation.
Gains and Losses of
Globalization:
A number of studies suggest that
during the 90s, when policies of liberalisation-globalisation-privatisation (LGP)
were implemented in various degrees, income distribution, has worsened, and as a
result is having a dampening impact on long-term economic growth and on the
prospects for poverty reduction, necessary to meet the UN Millennium Declaration
Goal of halving the number of people living in extreme income poverty. Extreme
income poverty has affected some 150 million people in India. Tribals make up
about one third of the income poor. An assessment of progress has been less than
anticipated. The trade aspects of globalisation also alter the context of many
issues and areas affecting tribals, in some cases intensifying problems and in
other cases affecting the policy actions required to address the problems.[xxii][22]
Globalisation affects tribals differently. Urban and educated tribals may benefit from the increased opportunities for work that come with the influx of foreign companies and investments. These employment avenues are complemented by greater opportunities to receive education and skills training of a higher quality. The new technologies that define this era, in particular the computer and Internet, may be accessible to this group of tribals. In general, the liberalisation of trade and financial markets also promise benefits for this group, including a greater variety of goods at cheaper prices due to increased competition and much more attractive interest rates to undertake business ventures.
Conversely, poor, uneducated,
credit-constrained, informal and agricultural sector tribals will benefit in a
much less direct manner. Tribals in general benefit from long-term economic
growth brought about by correcting price distortions in factor and product
markets. By making markets competitive, higher agricultural growth is expected
and this in turn is expected to increase rural income. It is also expected that
the expansion of the industrial sector would increase employment in the urban as
well as in the rural areas. The proponents of globalisation argue that the
process may entail some short-term difficulties in terms of reduced income and
consumption; unemployment might also increase. But eventually the reform process
would lead to greater gains all around. But we cannot close our eyes to serious
undercut in domestic production of goods and services and risks to the health
status particularly of the poor, tribals, women and children.
The gains of globalisation have
so far accrued to those who already have education and skill advantage, easier
market access and possession of assets for use as collateral to access credit.
For the tribals, globalisation is associated with rising prices, loss of job
security, lack of health care and tribal development programmes. Globalisation
may also weaken the Constitutional protections, in terms of education and job
reservations, given to tribals.
Globalization with a Human
Face:
Markets are not very friendly to
the poor, to the weak or to the vulnerable, either nationally or
internationally. Nor are markets free. They are often the handmaidens of
powerful interest groups, and they are greatly influenced by the prevailing
distribution of income. In a capitalist economy, all are not in a position to
compete in the market. Some like Tribals and Dalits who do not have enough
education, health and nutrition to compete will fall outside the market place.
That is why much better distribution of income and assets, of credit, of power
structures and certainly of knowledge and skills are vital to making markets
work more efficiently. Markets cannot become more neutral or competitive unless
the playing field is even and playable.
If globalisation were
superimposed on a poorly educated and poorly-trained tribal people, particularly
in states like Bihar and Jharkhand with poor systems of governance and
infrastructure, it would not lead to growth nor reduce poverty.
Globalisation may no longer be an option, but a fact. However, it must be
implemented with a human face.
The efforts to become
competitive often hurt the social sectors first. It is most often these sectors
that face budgetary reductions when liberalisation policies are implemented.
Conservative monetary and fiscal policies are often undertaken and these too,
independent of reductions in the size and scope of social sectors, can
indirectly reduce allocations to social services and basic provisions. Such cuts
in social spending are likely to hit the tribals the hardest who already have
limited access to education and health facilities.[xxiii][23]
The tribals are part of the
Indian society, at the same time they are different. Special policy and
programmes are required to address and redress these differences especially in
the context of globalisation. When we plan for tribal development, we have to
regard these differences, take a special note of their situations and
capabilities and provide them facilities to develop on the line they want to
take. Outsiders cannot develop tribals; they can become only facilitators if
they want to do so. If they have to unfold from within, they must have
participation in any development decision. Their felt needs should be
transformed in development programmes. The tribals can participate in their
development programmes only if they are considered to be equals[xxiv][24]
and if unique identities are respected.
[i][1]
Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, Human Development in South Asia
2001 (OUP), pp. 10-11
[ii][2] Ibid, pp. 11
[iii][3] Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics, p. 69
[iv][4] Ibid, p. 70
[v][5] Samuelson, Robert J. International Herald Tribune, January 2000)
[vi][6] World Bank, WDR 1999
[vii][7] Henry Kissinger, 1999
[viii][8] Human Development in South Asia 2001 (OUP), pp. 15
[ix][9] Streeten Paul, "Globalisation: Threat or Opportunity", Copenhagen Business School Press, 2001.
[x][10] Ibid, pp.56
[xi][11] Ibid, p.73
[xii][12]
Rajat Acharya and Sugata Marji, "Globalisation and Inequality":, EPW,
23 September 2000, p. 3503
[xiii][13]
Petras James and Chronis Polychroniou "Critical Reflections on
Globalisation", EPW, 6 September 1997, p.2249
[xiv][14] Joshi Vidyut (ed.): "Tribal Situation in India", Rawat Publication, 1998, pp.15
[xv][15] Ibid, p.13
[xvi][16] Ibid, p. 14
[xvii][17] Sah, D.C., "Displacement and Rehabilitation" in "Tribal Situation in India", (ed. Vidyut Joshi)
[xviii][18] Pathy, Janganath, "Impact of Development Projects on Tribals" in "Tribal Situation in India",. Vidyut Joshi (ed.)
[xix][19] Ibid, p. 279
[xx][20] Ibid, pp. 279-280
[xxi][21] Ibid, p. 280
[xxii][22] Human Development in South Asia 2001 (OUP), p.50
[xxiii][23] Ibid, p.53
[xxiv][24] Joshi Vidyut, pp.25
Tribal population in India: Demographic characteristics |
||||||||
|
State/Union
Territory |
Male |
Female |
%ST
to GP |
%ST
to STP |
%RST
to STP |
%RGP
to TGP |
||
|
Rural |
Urban |
Rural |
Urban |
|||||
|
India* |
31755930 |
2607341 |
30995096 |
2400013 |
8.08 |
100.00 |
92.60 |
73,87 |
|
Andhra
Pradesh |
1976150 |
166667 |
190404 |
152560 |
6.31 |
6.20 |
92.40 |
73.11 |
|
Arunachal
Pradesh |
258595 |
16802 |
259627 |
15327 |
63.66 |
0.81 |
94.16 |
87.20 |
|
Assam |
1409364 |
52196 |
1367944 |
44937 |
24.66 |
4.24 |
96.62 |
88.90 |
|
Bihar |
3115824 |
241739 |
3037835 |
221516 |
7.66 |
9.77 |
92.99 |
86.86 |
|
Goa |
48 |
151 |
41 |
136 |
0.03 |
0.00 |
23.67 |
58.99 |
|
Gujarat |
2872954 |
258993 |
2790224 |
239604 |
14.92 |
9.09 |
91.91 |
65.51 |
|
Himachal
Pradesh |
107162 |
3078 |
105778 |
2331 |
4.22 |
0.32 |
97.52 |
91.31 |
|
Karnataka |
829129 |
147615 |
800367 |
138580 |
4.26 |
2.83 |
85.06 |
69.08 |
|
Kerala |
154979 |
5833 |
154785 |
5370 |
1.10 |
0.47 |
96.50 |
73.61 |
|
Madhya
Pradesh |
7365693 |
392481 |
7287037 |
353823 |
23.77 |
22.73 |
95.15 |
76.82 |
|
Maharashtra |
3241782 |
476001 |
3164032 |
436466 |
9.27 |
10.80 |
87.53 |
61.31 |
|
Manipur |
295691 |
27029 |
283239 |
26214 |
34.41 |
0.93 |
91.58 |
72.48 |
|
Meghalaya |
659859 |
100375 |
652234 |
105459 |
85.53 |
2.24 |
86.44 |
81.40 |
|
Mizoram |
182212 |
147607 |
175901 |
147845 |
94.75 |
0.96 |
54.79 |
53.90 |
|
Nagaland |
478579 |
66577 |
454566 |
61100 |
87.70 |
1.57 |
87.96 |
82.79 |
|
Orissa |
3325442 |
187449 |
3345064 |
174259 |
22.21 |
10.38 |
94.86 |
86.62 |
|
Rajasthan |
2696437 |
140577 |
2524112 |
113755 |
12.44 |
8.08 |
95.35 |
77.12 |
|
Sikkim |
43477 |
4027 |
40009 |
3388 |
22.36 |
0.13 |
91.84 |
90.90 |
|
Tamil
Nadu |
257853 |
35159 |
247355 |
33827 |
1.03 |
0.85 |
87.98 |
65.85 |
|
Tripura |
426741 |
7484 |
412523 |
6597 |
30.95 |
1.26 |
98.35 |
84.70 |
|
Uttar
Pradeh |
141149 |
9271 |
128879 |
7602 |
0.21 |
|||